The Islamic Imperial dream isnaturally compelling and has been for thirteen hundred years. Yet it has consistently foundered on theutter failure of Islamic governance. Forthat reason alone the emergence of a competing empire and really a competingempire of shared association driven by channeled ethnic rivalries which bestdescribed Christendom swiftly overwhelmed Islamic pretentions. The final insult to the Islamic Caliphate wasthe marvelously Machiavellian reengineering of the Islamic political environmentby Christendom as it withdrew.
The boundaries are oftenunrelated to known ethnic borders and worse than that they made it a practiceof favoring a minority as they left, ensuring serious divisive conflict. Thus
So yes,
So right now the danger of theEgyptian taking advantage is a real threat. It is worse than that. Anycalculation will factor in Obama’s response and that does not look like adeterrent. Moving now would confront thenext president with a fait accompli and plenty of good reasons to establish anegotiated settlement.
I am sorry but there is way toomuch incentive out there and yes we need to be nervous. I thank this item for waking me up.
Will
LawrenceSolomon | Oct 5, 2012
http://opinion.financialpost.com/2012/10/05/will-egypt-seize-libya-for-its-oil/#
Will
First,
The Muslim Brotherhood government desperately needs a $4.8-billion IMFbailout to stop the bleeding but it refuses to curtail its subsidies, as theIMF demands, for fear of triggering a popular revolt. It is instead hoping foraid from oil states and the
Unlike most of the world, where nationalist sentiments run deep, prideof country is a largely alien notion in the clan-oriented Arab
If plebiscites taken at the time to ratify the new countries are to bebelieved, these pan-Arabic arrangements tended to be wildly popular at theoutset, the peoples of the region quick to embrace new flags and tounsentimentally discard old ones in the name of Arab solidarity.
The lack of national allegiance is all the more striking because Arabgovernments in the decades following the Second World War were predominantlysecular, often military dictatorships that overthrew monarchies and kept theMuslim Brotherhood and other religious zealots at bay. Today the religiouszealots are ascendant. And their ideology eschews national borders in favour ofa caliphate across the Arab world and beyond.
“We are seeing the dream ofthe Islamic Caliphate coming true at the hands of Mohammed Morsi,” clericSafwat Higazy enthused earlier this year at a Morsi political rally.
Following the Arab Spring, the Muslim Brotherhood not only rules
The Libyan organization believed to have masterminded the attack, theJamal Network, was set up by Muhammad Jamal Abu Ahmad, an Egyptian released bythe Egyptian government following the Arab Spring. Ahmad, in turn, isaffiliated with al-Qaeda and its Egyptian leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, who priorto the Sept. 11 attack had called for revenge for the death of a Libyan memberof al-Qaeda. Egypt’s president Morsi himself, on the eve of his inauguration aspresident of Egypt, announced, “I will do everything in my power to securefreedom for … detainees, including Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman,” the “blind sheik”responsible for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.
Egypt’s government, it is clear, does not eschew associations withterrorists and it cannot be pleased that Libya, its nearest Arab Springneighbour, has escaped Muslim Brotherhood control. In 1977,
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